2016 Security Jam (Debating Security Plus)

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2016 Security Jam (Debating Security Plus)

Summary

Friends of Europe is proud to present the final report of its fourth Security Jam, organised in cooperation with the U.S. European Command, the European External Action Service, IBM and a coalition of over 50 partners. It presents insights from 48 VIPs and close to 2,500 participants from 131 countries on global security challenges, from early-warning and radicalisation to climate change, Middle East security and the future of policing. Read the Executive Summary.

Our co-moderating partners the American Security Project, CIDOB, Eurasia Group, IRSEM, SIPRI, RUSI and USAK offer their conclusions in the full report and the executive summary highlights the top 10 recommendations, the roadmap and polls on future threats.

Among the top 10 recommendations were:

  • the call for an integrated concept of security and defence with a joint budget rather than disconnected internal & external security, humanitarian assistance and development efforts (#3);
  • a demand for including the effects of climate change in all discussions on security and using it to build trust in the Middle East (#4 and #7); and
  • the insistence that confidence between security forces and citizens from Colombia to Afghanistan had to be improved to guarantee interior security (#9 and 10).

 

About

About

Friends of Europe’s Security Jam is the only global online brainstorm on international security challenges. It unites some 50 VIP Jammers, Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defence and NGO leaders, and thousands of experts from around the world. Six topics including organised crime, violent extremism, conflict prevention, human rights and more are discussed in parallel to develop innovative solutions to global security challenges.

Schedule

Schedule

TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning Expand TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning

Governments are often criticised for reacting to rather than preparing for predictable crises. Only a few specialised analysts foresaw the Arab Spring, the rise of Daesh and the EU’s massive influx of refugees. Not only in Europe but worldwide, their reactions were contradictory and even counter-productive. Natural disasters, too, can have a catastrophic global impact. Last year’s COP21 Paris Summit recognised the risks of climate change will exacerbate droughts and increase tensions, while water, food and energy security problems across Asia are paralleled by the demographic explosion in Sub-Saharan Africa.

How can improved early-warning mechanisms be built on information-sharing between intelligence services and crowdsourcing from citizens and social media? “Big data” analytics and the use of artificial intelligence will be important, but the means to access this information are often held privately actors and require much more effective public-private cooperation. The sensitive nature of intelligence makes regional, let alone global, cooperation a distant prospect, so how in practical terms can information sharing be improved? Is the multinational intelligence agency suggested by participants in the 2010 Security Jam feasible?

Can the risk analyses and contingency plans of academics and business analysts be fed into decision-making? What role should business and civil society actors play, and what incentives could encourage better information exchange? Is the 2010 Security Jam’s suggestion for an “International Crisis Preparedness Fund” to finance disaster response and a “scarce resources inventory” to predict future tensions still valid, and if so how could it be made operational? Would overarching security goals, similar to the UN’s MDGs and SDGs, do anything to prepare for future crises?

Moderated by Eurasia Group & Friends of Europe

VIPs

Bert Koenders

Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs

James A. Lewis

Director, Strategic Technologies Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies

Julianne Smith

Director, Strategy and Statecraft Program, Center for a New American Security

Wided Bouchamaoui

2015 Nobel Peace Prize laureate and President of the Tunisian UTICA

TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention Expand TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention

Governments are all too often at the root of violence, corruption and socio-economic underdevelopment that triggers conCict, radicalisation and the forcible displacement of millions of people. Security sector governance, on the other hand, demands the accountability of security services to the people, with parliamentary oversights and public scrutiny. These are not just problems in developing countries, for the growing confrontation between NATO and Russia now threatens the already fragile global security architecture.

Civil society actors, meanwhile, are able to bridge perception gaps and political divides. The 2015 Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet recognised the importance of unofficial mediation efforts. But high-level (socalled track I) diplomacy is only effective when supported by tribal or religious authorities’ efforts (track II), and then at grassroots level too (track III). Excluding women from diplomatic processes weakens peace initiatives and also severely limits economic growth.

So how should governments better engage with non-governmental actors? What effects will the (re-)emergence of regional actors like Iran, India and China have on the UN and its Security Council? Can a global consensus be reached on helping failed and failing states recover? How should governments around the world assist eachother’s Security Sector Reform (SSR) efforts? Will new technologies affect reform processes by improving knowledge exchanges? What mechanisms could lessen tensions between NATO and Russia that risk disrupting peace initiatives? What new roles should regional organisations like the EU, NATO, ECOWAS, the OSCE, the African Union or ASEAN be developing, and how can they overcome political hurdles through closer coordination and the development of much-needed joint approaches? Can the on-the-ground knowhow be better used in conflict prevention and postconfliict stabilisation? And how can gender equality and the interests of minorities be ensured?

Moderated by the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB)

VIPs

Lamberto Zannier

High Commissioner on National Minorities of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)

Ian Bremmer

President and Founder of Eurasia Group

Sir Adam Thomson

Former UK Permanent Representative to NATO

TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East Expand TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East

Jammers recommended in 2014 the “creation of an Organisation for Security and Co-operation in the Middle East”, but since then the Israel-Palestine conflict has spilled over well beyond the immediate region and the Syrian civil war has killed many thousands and created millions of refugees. The important deal on Iran’s nuclear programme is criticised by some for fear of increased military capability, while tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are heightening the risk of proxy wars escalating into open Sunni- and Shia-led conflicts. Further destabilisation is being caused by the free-fall of oil prices, the establishment of a Kurdish state in parts of Syria and Iraq and growing Western support for Kurdish factions fighting against Daesh.

Can these dynamics be interrupted so that economic development and prosperity are re-established? What are the prospects for a new security architecture, similar to the OSCE, capable of introducing confidence-building measures to the Middle East? Is some sort of “Marshall Plan” for the Middle East feasible, for example to help in the reconstruction of post-conflict Yemen? Do regional bodies like the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) or the Arab League offer a basis for ideas like this, and what lessons should other international actors be drawing? What mechanisms could ensure that the nations now militarily involved in Syria reach the consensus needed to avoid an escalating proxy war? With what mandate should members of the international community deploy boots on the ground against Daesh, and is any role emerging for Elder Statesmen, such as those, who achieved the Oslo Accords?

Moderated by the American Security Project

VIPs

Dawood Azami

Multi-Media Editor (News and Current Affairs) at BBC World Service, 2012 European Young Leader

TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025 Expand TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025

Governments and their electorates around the world are no longer willing to engage in expensive, long-term missions with unclear goals. Maritime missions against piracy in the Gulf of Aden have enjoyed broad support, but the UN Security Council remains divided on the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and the policy of nonintervention.

The changing nature of peacekeeping is giving rise to a wide range of tasks and capabilities which the military forces do not yet possess, requiring a rethink of the divisions of responsibility between civilian and military missions. Only few countries possess capabilities like aircraft carriers, air-to-air refuelling and high-tech surveillance technology with drones, to embark individually on missions. Joint operations also require military interoperability and strategic agreements on safe zones.

What does this mean in practice for future military and peacekeeping missions? Will the Security Council still be relevant and effective? What future awaits the African Union, the League of Arab States and UN peacekeepers? Given the state of Europe’s defences, what are the prospects for EU member states to increase their defence budgets and revive the EU Battle Groups? Should other regions adopt elements of the EU’s and NATO’s strategies on maritime security and develop similar action plans as part of a larger framework to secure shipping routes? How should nations improve interoperability between their civilian and military missions and make them more efficient and cost-effective, and what role is there for industry in ensuring greater operability? How can a whole-of-government approach ensure that the root causes of conflicts rather than the symptoms are addressed? Is military intervention becoming digital, as with the Stuxnet attacks on Iran, and will future military missions have a strong cyber component? Will drones replace manned aircrafts, and if so, how can civilian lives be better protected? Can the international community address in practical terms the risks of proxy wars and hybrid warfare tactics?

Moderated by The Institute for Strategic Research, Paris

VIPs

Waldemar Vrey

Deputy Special Representative for the Rule of Law at the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL)

Ian Bremmer

President and Founder of Eurasia Group

Jorge Domecq

Chief Executive, European Defence Agency (EDA)

TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime Expand TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime

Forces around the world responsible for internal security are under pressure to adapt to new challenges, whether they are border guards responding to refugees or police forces confronted by violent extremists. Organised transnational criminal networks, that deal in anything from weapons to human beings, have the power to destabilise societies and corrupt governments, creating narco-states, like Colombia in the 1980s or Guinea-Bissau today. The destruction of criminal organisations demands national, regional and global cooperation, so what will be required of interior security forces by 2025, and must they adapt? Should they conduct forecasting exercises similar to their defence counterparts and to what extent will regional differences lead to differing roles?

How should cooperation between internal security and defence forces evolve at the strategic, tactical and operational levels? Should the military be deployed to combat traffickers, and what sort of legislative changes could improve international cooperation against organised crime? Can cooperation between NGOs and border guards or agencies such as Frontex be improved to enhance assistance for refugees while hitting human traffickers? How best should unarmed drones be used for border surveillance? Can citizens and civil society organisations aid police work while avoiding vigilantism? What impact will cybercrime have on police forces’ budgets? Must police forces cooperate with the private sector to fight cybercriminals, and with what impact on public liberties?

Moderated by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)

VIP

Waldemar Vrey

Deputy Special Representative for the Rule of Law at the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL)

Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar

Ambassador at Large for Cyber Diplomacy at the Estonian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Pia Stjernvall

Head of EUPOL Mission in Afghanistan

Ana Gomes

Former member of the European Parliament

TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism Expand TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism

The rise of Daesh in Syria, Iraq and more recently Libya has had devastating consequences that range from the oppression of local populations to the rise of militant Islamism. The previously unheard-of wealth of the jihadist group, its state-like military capabilities and its attractiveness to the disillusioned worldwide has led to its rapid growth and its geographical spread. Groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Shabaab in Somalia and parts of the so-called “Caucasus Emirate” in Russia have declared their support to Daesh while others – most prominently the Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Al-Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate Al-Nusra – are engaged in intense fighting. Terrorist attacks in Paris and Istanbul that happened in spite of early warnings have strengthened criticism of intelligence services across Europe.

To defeat Daesh and others, so as to prevent the spread of violent ideology, military solutions will not be enough. Deterring with the promise of retaliation fails against non-geographical threats, leaving international actors often diametrically opposed over how to respond. What is clear, though, is that socio-economic inclusion and the societal integration of minorities will be crucial in addressing the root causes of radicalisation and preventing disillusioned citizens from joining violent extremist groups.

What lessons can we draw from past and current confrontations with violent extremism, such as the German Red Army Faction, the IRA in Ireland, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Afghan Taliban, Hamas in Gaza, the Sri Lankan LTTE or Lashkare-Taiba in Pakistan and India? What are the key commonalities and differences? Can the root causes be addressed through a whole-of-government approach, and how should countries of origin prevent radicalisation and stop their citizens from joining groups fighting abroad? Could governments and businesses provide online services, and especially social media platforms, to counter Daesh’s online propaganda? What is the future for signals intelligence (SIGINT) to replace human spies (HUMINT) in the medium term, and how can citizens’ right to privacy be protected when threats to national security are considered so great? Can Daesh’s Financial support be cut off?

Moderated by the International Strategic Research Organisation

VIPs

Ana Gomes

Former member of the European Parliament

Luis de Almeida Sampaio

Permanent Representative of Portugal to NATO

Continue to DAY 2
TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning Expand TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning

Governments are often criticised for reacting to rather than preparing for predictable crises. Only a few specialised analysts foresaw the Arab Spring, the rise of Daesh and the EU’s massive inCux of refugees. Not only in Europe but worldwide, their reactions were contradictory and even counter-productive. Natural disasters, too, can have a catastrophic global impact. Last year’s COP21 Paris Summit recognised the risks of climate change will exacerbate droughts and increase tensions, while water, food and energy security problems across Asia are paralleled by the demographic explosion in Sub-Saharan Africa.

How can improved early-warning mechanisms be built on information-sharing between intelligence services and crowdsourcing from citizens and social media? “Big data” analytics and the use of artificial intelligence will be important, but the means to access this information are often held privately actors and require much more effective public-private cooperation. The sensitive nature of intelligence makes regional, let alone global, cooperation a distant prospect, so how in practical terms can information sharing be improved? Is the multinational intelligence agency suggested by participants in the 2010 Security Jam feasible?

Can the risk analyses and contingency plans of academics and business analysts be fed into decision-making? What role should business and civil society actors play, and what incentives could encourage better information exchange? Is the 2010 Security Jam’s suggestion for an “International Crisis Preparedness Fund” to finance disaster response and a “scarce resources inventory” to predict future tensions still valid, and if so how could it be made operational? Would overarching security goals, similar to the UN’s MDGs and SDGs, do anything to prepare for future crises?

Moderated by Eurasia Group & Friends of Europe

VIPs

Anna Neistat

Senior Director for Research at Amnesty International

Katrin Suder

Secretary of State, German Ministry of Defence

Wided Bouchamaoui

2015 Nobel Peace Prize laureate and President of the Tunisian UTICA

Stéphane Dion

Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs

Catherine Woollard

Secretary General of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles

TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention Expand TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention

Governments are all too often at the root of violence, corruption and socio-economic underdevelopment that triggers conCict, radicalisation and the forcible displacement of millions of people. Security sector governance, on the other hand, demands the accountability of security services to the people, with parliamentary oversights and public scrutiny. These are not just problems in developing countries, for the growing confrontation between NATO and Russia now threatens the already fragile global security architecture.

Civil society actors, meanwhile, are able to bridge perception gaps and political divides. The 2015 Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet recognised the importance of unofficial mediation efforts. But high-level (socalled track I) diplomacy is only effective when supported by tribal or religious authorities’ efforts (track II), and then at grassroots level too (track III). Excluding women from diplomatic processes weakens peace initiatives and also severely limits economic growth.

So how should governments better engage with non-governmental actors? What effects will the (re-)emergence of regional actors like Iran, India and China have on the UN and its Security Council? Can a global consensus be reached on helping failed and failing states recover? How should governments around the world assist eachother’s Security Sector Reform (SSR) efforts? Will new technologies affect reform processes by improving knowledge exchanges? What mechanisms could lessen tensions between NATO and Russia that risk disrupting peace initiatives? What new roles should regional organisations like the EU, NATO, ECOWAS, the OSCE, the African Union or ASEAN be developing, and how can they overcome political hurdles through closer coordination and the development of much-needed joint approaches? Can the on-the-ground knowhow be better used in conflict prevention and postconfliict stabilisation? And how can gender equality and the interests of minorities be ensured?

Moderated by the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB)

VIPs

Rear Admiral Giorgio Lazio

Chief of Staff, NATO Allied Maritime Command

Peter Hultqvist

Lee Litzenberger

US Deputy Permanent Representative to NATO

Maria Zakharova

Spokesperson of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East Expand TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East

Jammers recommended in 2014 the “creation of an Organisation for Security and Co-operation in the Middle East”, but since then the Israel-Palestine conflict has spilled over well beyond the immediate region and the Syrian civil war has killed many thousands and created millions of refugees. The important deal on Iran’s nuclear programme is criticised by some for fear of increased military capability, while tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are heightening the risk of proxy wars escalating into open Sunni- and Shia-led conflicts. Further destabilisation is being caused by the free-fall of oil prices, the establishment of a Kurdish state in parts of Syria and Iraq and growing Western support for Kurdish factions fighting against Daesh.

Can these dynamics be interrupted so that economic development and prosperity are re-established? What are the prospects for a new security architecture, similar to the OSCE, capable of introducing confidence-building measures to the Middle East? Is some sort of “Marshall Plan” for the Middle East feasible, for example to help in the reconstruction of post-conflict Yemen? Do regional bodies like the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) or the Arab League offer a basis for ideas like this, and what lessons should other international actors be drawing? What mechanisms could ensure that the nations now militarily involved in Syria reach the consensus needed to avoid an escalating proxy war? With what mandate should members of the international community deploy boots on the ground against Daesh, and is any role emerging for Elder Statesmen, such as those, who achieved the Oslo Accords?

Moderated by the American Security Project

VIPs

Javier Solana

President of ESADE Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics, former EU high representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and former secretary-general of NATO

Jamie Shea

Senior Fellow for Peace, Security and Defence at Friends of Europe and former Deputy Assistant Secretary General for emerging security challenges at NATO

Seyed Mostafa Azmayesh

Trita Parsi

President of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC)

TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025 Expand TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025

Governments and their electorates around the world are no longer willing to engage in expensive, long-term missions with unclear goals. Maritime missions against piracy in the Gulf of Aden have enjoyed broad support, but the UN Security Council remains divided on the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and the policy of nonintervention.

The changing nature of peacekeeping is giving rise to a wide range of tasks and capabilities which the military forces do not yet possess, requiring a rethink of the divisions of responsibility between civilian and military missions. Only few countries possess capabilities like aircraft carriers, air-to-air refuelling and high-tech surveillance technology with drones, to embark individually on missions. Joint operations also require military interoperability and strategic agreements on safe zones.

What does this mean in practice for future military and peacekeeping missions? Will the Security Council still be relevant and effective? What future awaits the African Union, the League of Arab States and UN peacekeepers? Given the state of Europe’s defences, what are the prospects for EU member states to increase their defence budgets and revive the EU Battle Groups? Should other regions adopt elements of the EU’s and NATO’s strategies on maritime security and develop similar action plans as part of a larger framework to secure shipping routes? How should nations improve interoperability between their civilian and military missions and make them more efficient and cost-effective, and what role is there for industry in ensuring greater operability? How can a whole-of-government approach ensure that the root causes of conflicts rather than the symptoms are addressed? Is military intervention becoming digital, as with the Stuxnet attacks on Iran, and will future military missions have a strong cyber component? Will drones replace manned aircrafts, and if so, how can civilian lives be better protected? Can the international community address in practical terms the risks of proxy wars and hybrid warfare tactics?

Moderated by The Institute for Strategic Research, Paris

VIPs

Carl Bildt

Co-Chair of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), former Swedish minister for foreign affairs and former Swedish prime minister

Waldemar Vrey

Deputy Special Representative for the Rule of Law at the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL)

Jorge Domecq

Chief Executive, European Defence Agency (EDA)

General Mikhail Kostarakos

Chairman of the European Union Military Committee (CEUMC)

TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime Expand TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime

Forces around the world responsible for internal security are under pressure to adapt to new challenges, whether they are border guards responding to refugees or police forces confronted by violent extremists. Organised transnational criminal networks, that deal in anything from weapons to human beings, have the power to destabilise societies and corrupt governments, creating narco-states, like Colombia in the 1980s or Guinea-Bissau today. The destruction of criminal organisations demands national, regional and global cooperation, so what will be required of interior security forces by 2025, and must they adapt? Should they conduct forecasting exercises similar to their defence counterparts and to what extent will regional differences lead to differing roles?

How should cooperation between internal security and defence forces evolve at the strategic, tactical and operational levels? Should the military be deployed to combat traffickers, and what sort of legislative changes could improve international cooperation against organised crime? Can cooperation between NGOs and border guards or agencies such as Frontex be improved to enhance assistance for refugees while hitting human traffickers? How best should unarmed drones be used for border surveillance? Can citizens and civil society organisations aid police work while avoiding vigilantism? What impact will cybercrime have on police forces’ budgets? Must police forces cooperate with the private sector to fight cybercriminals, and with what impact on public liberties?

Moderated by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)

VIPs

Pia Stjernvall

Head of EUPOL Mission in Afghanistan

Catherine Woollard

Secretary General of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles

Waldemar Vrey

Deputy Special Representative for the Rule of Law at the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL)

Joanne Liu

International President, Médecins Sans Frontières

TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism Expand TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism

The rise of Daesh in Syria, Iraq and more recently Libya has had devastating consequences that range from the oppression of local populations to the rise of militant Islamism. The previously unheard-of wealth of the jihadist group, its state-like military capabilities and its attractiveness to the disillusioned worldwide has led to its rapid growth and its geographical spread. Groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Shabaab in Somalia and parts of the so-called “Caucasus Emirate” in Russia have declared their support to Daesh while others – most prominently the Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Al-Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate Al-Nusra – are engaged in intense fighting. Terrorist attacks in Paris and Istanbul that happened in spite of early warnings have strengthened criticism of intelligence services across Europe.

To defeat Daesh and others, so as to prevent the spread of violent ideology, military solutions will not be enough. Deterring with the promise of retaliation fails against non-geographical threats, leaving international actors often diametrically opposed over how to respond. What is clear, though, is that socio-economic inclusion and the societal integration of minorities will be crucial in addressing the root causes of radicalisation and preventing disillusioned citizens from joining violent extremist groups.

What lessons can we draw from past and current confrontations with violent extremism, such as the German Red Army Faction, the IRA in Ireland, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Afghan Taliban, Hamas in Gaza, the Sri Lankan LTTE or Lashkare-Taiba in Pakistan and India? What are the key commonalities and differences? Can the root causes be addressed through a whole-of-government approach, and how should countries of origin prevent radicalisation and stop their citizens from joining groups fighting abroad? Could governments and businesses provide online services, and especially social media platforms, to counter Daesh’s online propaganda? What is the future for signals intelligence (SIGINT) to replace human spies (HUMINT) in the medium term, and how can citizens’ right to privacy be protected when threats to national security are considered so great? Can Daesh’s Financial support be cut off?

Moderated by the International Strategic Research Organisation

VIPs

Mary Fitzgerald

Journalist and analyst specialising in the Euro-Mediterranean region with a particular focus on Libya, European Young Leader Alumna

Michael Roth

German Minister of State for Europe

Elisabeth Guigou

President of the Anna Lindh Foundation and former French Minister

Continue to DAY 3
TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning Expand TOPIC I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning

Governments are often criticised for reacting to rather than preparing for predictable crises. Only a few specialised analysts foresaw the Arab Spring, the rise of Daesh and the EU’s massive inCux of refugees. Not only in Europe but worldwide, their reactions were contradictory and even counter-productive. Natural disasters, too, can have a catastrophic global impact. Last year’s COP21 Paris Summit recognised the risks of climate change will exacerbate droughts and increase tensions, while water, food and energy security problems across Asia are paralleled by the demographic explosion in Sub-Saharan Africa.

How can improved early-warning mechanisms be built on information-sharing between intelligence services and crowdsourcing from citizens and social media? “Big data” analytics and the use of artificial intelligence will be important, but the means to access this information are often held privately actors and require much more effective public-private cooperation. The sensitive nature of intelligence makes regional, let alone global, cooperation a distant prospect, so how in practical terms can information sharing be improved? Is the multinational intelligence agency suggested by participants in the 2010 Security Jam feasible?

Can the risk analyses and contingency plans of academics and business analysts be fed into decision-making? What role should business and civil society actors play, and what incentives could encourage better information exchange? Is the 2010 Security Jam’s suggestion for an “International Crisis Preparedness Fund” to finance disaster response and a “scarce resources inventory” to predict future tensions still valid, and if so how could it be made operational? Would overarching security goals, similar to the UN’s MDGs and SDGs, do anything to prepare for future crises?

Moderated by Eurasia Group & Friends of Europe

VIPs

Wolfgang Ischinger

Chairman of the Munich Security Conference

Lock Pin Chew

Director, Risk Assessment and Horizon Scanning Programme, Singapore National Security Coordinating Secretatriat

Michael Printzos

Programme Director, The Hellenic Initiative, 2015-2016 European Young Leader

Mara Karlin

US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for Strategy and Force Development

Stéphane Dion

Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs

Heraldo Muñoz

Former Chilean Ambassador to the United Nations

TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention Expand TOPIC II: Global Partnerships in Conflict Prevention

Governments are all too often at the root of violence, corruption and socio-economic underdevelopment that triggers conCict, radicalisation and the forcible displacement of millions of people. Security sector governance, on the other hand, demands the accountability of security services to the people, with parliamentary oversights and public scrutiny. These are not just problems in developing countries, for the growing confrontation between NATO and Russia now threatens the already fragile global security architecture.

Civil society actors, meanwhile, are able to bridge perception gaps and political divides. The 2015 Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet recognised the importance of unofficial mediation efforts. But high-level (socalled track I) diplomacy is only effective when supported by tribal or religious authorities’ efforts (track II), and then at grassroots level too (track III). Excluding women from diplomatic processes weakens peace initiatives and also severely limits economic growth.

So how should governments better engage with non-governmental actors? What effects will the (re-)emergence of regional actors like Iran, India and China have on the UN and its Security Council? Can a global consensus be reached on helping failed and failing states recover? How should governments around the world assist eachother’s Security Sector Reform (SSR) efforts? Will new technologies affect reform processes by improving knowledge exchanges? What mechanisms could lessen tensions between NATO and Russia that risk disrupting peace initiatives? What new roles should regional organisations like the EU, NATO, ECOWAS, the OSCE, the African Union or ASEAN be developing, and how can they overcome political hurdles through closer coordination and the development of much-needed joint approaches? Can the on-the-ground knowhow be better used in conflict prevention and postconfliict stabilisation? And how can gender equality and the interests of minorities be ensured?

Moderated by the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB)

VIPs

Wolfgang Ischinger

Chairman of the Munich Security Conference

Irene Khan

Programme Director, The Hellenic Initiative

Marina Kaljurand

Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs

Peter Hultqvist

Carne Ross

Executive Director, Independent Diplomat

TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East Expand TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East

Jammers recommended in 2014 the “creation of an Organisation for Security and Co-operation in the Middle East”, but since then the Israel-Palestine conflict has spilled over well beyond the immediate region and the Syrian civil war has killed many thousands and created millions of refugees. The important deal on Iran’s nuclear programme is criticised by some for fear of increased military capability, while tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are heightening the risk of proxy wars escalating into open Sunni- and Shia-led conflicts. Further destabilisation is being caused by the free-fall of oil prices, the establishment of a Kurdish state in parts of Syria and Iraq and growing Western support for Kurdish factions fighting against Daesh.

Can these dynamics be interrupted so that economic development and prosperity are re-established? What are the prospects for a new security architecture, similar to the OSCE, capable of introducing confidence-building measures to the Middle East? Is some sort of “Marshall Plan” for the Middle East feasible, for example to help in the reconstruction of post-conflict Yemen? Do regional bodies like the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) or the Arab League offer a basis for ideas like this, and what lessons should other international actors be drawing? What mechanisms could ensure that the nations now militarily involved in Syria reach the consensus needed to avoid an escalating proxy war? With what mandate should members of the international community deploy boots on the ground against Daesh, and is any role emerging for Elder Statesmen, such as those, who achieved the Oslo Accords?

Moderated by the American Security Project

VIPs

Carne Ross

Executive Director, Independent Diplomat

Leila Zerrougui

Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Democratic Republic of the Congo

Jamie Shea

Senior Fellow for Peace, Security and Defence at Friends of Europe and former Deputy Assistant Secretary General for emerging security challenges at NATO

TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025 Expand TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025

Governments and their electorates around the world are no longer willing to engage in expensive, long-term missions with unclear goals. Maritime missions against piracy in the Gulf of Aden have enjoyed broad support, but the UN Security Council remains divided on the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and the policy of nonintervention.

The changing nature of peacekeeping is giving rise to a wide range of tasks and capabilities which the military forces do not yet possess, requiring a rethink of the divisions of responsibility between civilian and military missions. Only few countries possess capabilities like aircraft carriers, air-to-air refuelling and high-tech surveillance technology with drones, to embark individually on missions. Joint operations also require military interoperability and strategic agreements on safe zones.

What does this mean in practice for future military and peacekeeping missions? Will the Security Council still be relevant and effective? What future awaits the African Union, the League of Arab States and UN peacekeepers? Given the state of Europe’s defences, what are the prospects for EU member states to increase their defence budgets and revive the EU Battle Groups? Should other regions adopt elements of the EU’s and NATO’s strategies on maritime security and develop similar action plans as part of a larger framework to secure shipping routes? How should nations improve interoperability between their civilian and military missions and make them more efficient and cost-effective, and what role is there for industry in ensuring greater operability? How can a whole-of-government approach ensure that the root causes of conflicts rather than the symptoms are addressed? Is military intervention becoming digital, as with the Stuxnet attacks on Iran, and will future military missions have a strong cyber component? Will drones replace manned aircrafts, and if so, how can civilian lives be better protected? Can the international community address in practical terms the risks of proxy wars and hybrid warfare tactics?

Moderated by The Institute for Strategic Research, Paris

VIPs

General Mikhail Kostarakos

Chairman of the European Union Military Committee (CEUMC)

TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime Expand TOPIC V: Policing 2025: New Strategies Against Organised Crime

Forces around the world responsible for internal security are under pressure to adapt to new challenges, whether they are border guards responding to refugees or police forces confronted by violent extremists. Organised transnational criminal networks, that deal in anything from weapons to human beings, have the power to destabilise societies and corrupt governments, creating narco-states, like Colombia in the 1980s or Guinea-Bissau today. The destruction of criminal organisations demands national, regional and global cooperation, so what will be required of interior security forces by 2025, and must they adapt? Should they conduct forecasting exercises similar to their defence counterparts and to what extent will regional differences lead to differing roles?

How should cooperation between internal security and defence forces evolve at the strategic, tactical and operational levels? Should the military be deployed to combat traffickers, and what sort of legislative changes could improve international cooperation against organised crime? Can cooperation between NGOs and border guards or agencies such as Frontex be improved to enhance assistance for refugees while hitting human traffickers? How best should unarmed drones be used for border surveillance? Can citizens and civil society organisations aid police work while avoiding vigilantism? What impact will cybercrime have on police forces’ budgets? Must police forces cooperate with the private sector to fight cybercriminals, and with what impact on public liberties?

Moderated by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI)

VIPs

Rodrigo Rivera Salazar

Head of the Colombian Mission to the EU & former Colombian Minister of National Defence

TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism Expand TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism

The rise of Daesh in Syria, Iraq and more recently Libya has had devastating consequences that range from the oppression of local populations to the rise of militant Islamism. The previously unheard-of wealth of the jihadist group, its state-like military capabilities and its attractiveness to the disillusioned worldwide has led to its rapid growth and its geographical spread. Groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Shabaab in Somalia and parts of the so-called “Caucasus Emirate” in Russia have declared their support to Daesh while others – most prominently the Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Al-Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate Al-Nusra – are engaged in intense fighting. Terrorist attacks in Paris and Istanbul that happened in spite of early warnings have strengthened criticism of intelligence services across Europe.

To defeat Daesh and others, so as to prevent the spread of violent ideology, military solutions will not be enough. Deterring with the promise of retaliation fails against non-geographical threats, leaving international actors often diametrically opposed over how to respond. What is clear, though, is that socio-economic inclusion and the societal integration of minorities will be crucial in addressing the root causes of radicalisation and preventing disillusioned citizens from joining violent extremist groups.

What lessons can we draw from past and current confrontations with violent extremism, such as the German Red Army Faction, the IRA in Ireland, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Afghan Taliban, Hamas in Gaza, the Sri Lankan LTTE or Lashkare-Taiba in Pakistan and India? What are the key commonalities and differences? Can the root causes be addressed through a whole-of-government approach, and how should countries of origin prevent radicalisation and stop their citizens from joining groups fighting abroad? Could governments and businesses provide online services, and especially social media platforms, to counter Daesh’s online propaganda? What is the future for signals intelligence (SIGINT) to replace human spies (HUMINT) in the medium term, and how can citizens’ right to privacy be protected when threats to national security are considered so great? Can Daesh’s Financial support be cut off?

Moderated by the International Strategic Research Organisation

VIPs

Elisabeth Guigou

President of the Anna Lindh Foundation and former French Minister

Leila Zerrougui

Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Democratic Republic of the Congo

Thorbjørn Jagland

Secretary General of the Council of Europe

Continue to DAY 4
TOPI I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning Expand TOPI I: Strategic Foresight and Earlier Warning

Governments are often criticised for reacting to rather than preparing for predictable crises. Only a few specialised analysts foresaw the Arab Spring, the rise of Daesh and the EU’s massive influx of refugees. Not only in Europe but worldwide, their reactions were contradictory and even counter-productive. Natural disasters, too, can have a catastrophic global impact. Last year’s COP21 Paris Summit recognised the risks of climate change will exacerbate droughts and increase tensions, while water, food and energy security problems across Asia are paralleled by the demographic explosion in Sub-Saharan Africa.

How can improved early-warning mechanisms be built on information-sharing between intelligence services and crowdsourcing from citizens and social media? “Big data” analytics and the use of artificial intelligence will be important, but the means to access this information are often held privately actors and require much more effective public-private cooperation. The sensitive nature of intelligence makes regional, let alone global, cooperation a distant prospect, so how in practical terms can information sharing be improved? Is the multinational intelligence agency suggested by participants in the 2010 Security Jam feasible?

Can the risk analyses and contingency plans of academics and business analysts be fed into decision-making? What role should business and civil society actors play, and what incentives could encourage better information exchange? Is the 2010 Security Jam’s suggestion for an “International Crisis Preparedness Fund” to finance disaster response and a “scarce resources inventory” to predict future tensions still valid, and if so how could it be made operational? Would overarching security goals, similar to the UN’s MDGs and SDGs, do anything to prepare for future crises?

Moderated by Eurasia Group & Friends of Europe

VIPs

Julianne Smith

Director, Strategy and Statecraft Program, Center for a New American Security

TOPIC II: Global Partnerships for Conflict Prevention Expand TOPIC II: Global Partnerships for Conflict Prevention

Governments are all too often at the root of violence, corruption and socio-economic underdevelopment that triggers conCict, radicalisation and the forcible displacement of millions of people. Security sector governance, on the other hand, demands the accountability of security services to the people, with parliamentary oversights and public scrutiny. These are not just problems in developing countries, for the growing confrontation between NATO and Russia now threatens the already fragile global security architecture.

Civil society actors, meanwhile, are able to bridge perception gaps and political divides. The 2015 Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet recognised the importance of unofficial mediation efforts. But high-level (socalled track I) diplomacy is only effective when supported by tribal or religious authorities’ efforts (track II), and then at grassroots level too (track III). Excluding women from diplomatic processes weakens peace initiatives and also severely limits economic growth.

So how should governments better engage with non-governmental actors? What effects will the (re-)emergence of regional actors like Iran, India and China have on the UN and its Security Council? Can a global consensus be reached on helping failed and failing states recover? How should governments around the world assist eachother’s Security Sector Reform (SSR) efforts? Will new technologies affect reform processes by improving knowledge exchanges? What mechanisms could lessen tensions between NATO and Russia that risk disrupting peace initiatives? What new roles should regional organisations like the EU, NATO, ECOWAS, the OSCE, the African Union or ASEAN be developing, and how can they overcome political hurdles through closer coordination and the development of much-needed joint approaches? Can the on-the-ground knowhow be better used in conflict prevention and postconfliict stabilisation? And how can gender equality and the interests of minorities be ensured?

Moderated by the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB)

VIPs

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

former Secretary-General of NATO and Board member in charge of Friends of Europe’s Peace, Security and Defence work

Didier Reynders

European Commissioner for Justice

TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East Expand TOPIC III: A Regional Security Architecture for the Middle East

Jammers recommended in 2014 the “creation of an Organisation for Security and Co-operation in the Middle East”, but since then the Israel-Palestine conflict has spilled over well beyond the immediate region and the Syrian civil war has killed many thousands and created millions of refugees. The important deal on Iran’s nuclear programme is criticised by some for fear of increased military capability, while tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are heightening the risk of proxy wars escalating into open Sunni- and Shia-led conflicts. Further destabilisation is being caused by the free-fall of oil prices, the establishment of a Kurdish state in parts of Syria and Iraq and growing Western support for Kurdish factions fighting against Daesh.

Can these dynamics be interrupted so that economic development and prosperity are re-established? What are the prospects for a new security architecture, similar to the OSCE, capable of introducing confidence-building measures to the Middle East? Is some sort of “Marshall Plan” for the Middle East feasible, for example to help in the reconstruction of post-conflict Yemen? Do regional bodies like the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) or the Arab League offer a basis for ideas like this, and what lessons should other international actors be drawing? What mechanisms could ensure that the nations now militarily involved in Syria reach the consensus needed to avoid an escalating proxy war? With what mandate should members of the international community deploy boots on the ground against Daesh, and is any role emerging for Elder Statesmen, such as those, who achieved the Oslo Accords?

Moderated by the American Security Project

VIPs

Marietje Schaake

President of the CyberPeaceInstitute, Director of Policy at the Stanford Cyber Policy Centre and former vice- chair of the European parliament delegation for relations with the United States

Didier Reynders

European Commissioner for Justice

TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025 Expand TOPIC IV: Foreign Military Engagement 2025

Governments and their electorates around the world are no longer willing to engage in expensive, long-term missions with unclear goals. Maritime missions against piracy in the Gulf of Aden have enjoyed broad support, but the UN Security Council remains divided on the responsibility to protect (R2P) principle and the policy of nonintervention.

The changing nature of peacekeeping is giving rise to a wide range of tasks and capabilities which the military forces do not yet possess, requiring a rethink of the divisions of responsibility between civilian and military missions. Only few countries possess capabilities like aircraft carriers, air-to-air refuelling and high-tech surveillance technology with drones, to embark individually on missions. Joint operations also require military interoperability and strategic agreements on safe zones.

What does this mean in practice for future military and peacekeeping missions? Will the Security Council still be relevant and effective? What future awaits the African Union, the League of Arab States and UN peacekeepers? Given the state of Europe’s defences, what are the prospects for EU member states to increase their defence budgets and revive the EU Battle Groups? Should other regions adopt elements of the EU’s and NATO’s strategies on maritime security and develop similar action plans as part of a larger framework to secure shipping routes? How should nations improve interoperability between their civilian and military missions and make them more efficient and cost-effective, and what role is there for industry in ensuring greater operability? How can a whole-of-government approach ensure that the root causes of conflicts rather than the symptoms are addressed? Is military intervention becoming digital, as with the Stuxnet attacks on Iran, and will future military missions have a strong cyber component? Will drones replace manned aircrafts, and if so, how can civilian lives be better protected? Can the international community address in practical terms the risks of proxy wars and hybrid warfare tactics?

Moderated by The Institute for Strategic Research, Paris

VIPs

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

former Secretary-General of NATO and Board member in charge of Friends of Europe’s Peace, Security and Defence work

TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism Expand TOPIC VI: Answers to Radicalisation and Violent Extremism

The rise of Daesh in Syria, Iraq and more recently Libya has had devastating consequences that range from the oppression of local populations to the rise of militant Islamism. The previously unheard-of wealth of the jihadist group, its state-like military capabilities and its attractiveness to the disillusioned worldwide has led to its rapid growth and its geographical spread. Groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al Shabaab in Somalia and parts of the so-called “Caucasus Emirate” in Russia have declared their support to Daesh while others – most prominently the Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda and Al-Qaeda’s Syrian affiliate Al-Nusra – are engaged in intense fighting. Terrorist attacks in Paris and Istanbul that happened in spite of early warnings have strengthened criticism of intelligence services across Europe.

To defeat Daesh and others, so as to prevent the spread of violent ideology, military solutions will not be enough. Deterring with the promise of retaliation fails against non-geographical threats, leaving international actors often diametrically opposed over how to respond. What is clear, though, is that socio-economic inclusion and the societal integration of minorities will be crucial in addressing the root causes of radicalisation and preventing disillusioned citizens from joining violent extremist groups.

What lessons can we draw from past and current confrontations with violent extremism, such as the German Red Army Faction, the IRA in Ireland, the Red Brigades in Italy, the Afghan Taliban, Hamas in Gaza, the Sri Lankan LTTE or Lashkare-Taiba in Pakistan and India? What are the key commonalities and differences? Can the root causes be addressed through a whole-of-government approach, and how should countries of origin prevent radicalisation and stop their citizens from joining groups fighting abroad? Could governments and businesses provide online services, and especially social media platforms, to counter Daesh’s online propaganda? What is the future for signals intelligence (SIGINT) to replace human spies (HUMINT) in the medium term, and how can citizens’ right to privacy be protected when threats to national security are considered so great? Can Daesh’s Financial support be cut off?

Moderated by the International Strategic Research Organisation

VIPs

Didier Reynders

European Commissioner for Justice

Elizabeth Johnston

Executive Director, European Forum for Urban Security

Jam Recommendations Expand Jam Recommendations

The 2016 Security Jam, organised by Friends of Europe with a coalition of over 50 partners, convened 48 VIPs and close to 2,500 participants from 131 countries for a massive brainstorm on international security challenges. It created what is arguably the most comprehensive global snapshot of security issues which were featured in an in-depth report discussed with Belgian Foreign Minister Didier Reynders and others at the report launch event on June 30 in Brussels.

The last moments of Security Jam 2016 featured highlighted recommendations from the 4 days of debate.

VIPs

Bert Koenders

Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs

Speakers

Speakers

Dawood Azami
Dawood Azami

Multi-Media Editor (News and Current Affairs) at BBC World Service, 2012 European Young Leader

Show more information on Dawood Azami

Dawood is one of the most promising young journalists and scholars of his generation in the UK. He has been working for the BBC World Service in London as a Senior Broadcast Journalist and is a Visiting Lecturer at the University of Westminster, where he teaches Globalization, Power and International Governance. He joined the BBC in 1998 and also worked as the BBC World Service Bureau Chief and Editor in Kabul, Afghanistan. He was also a visiting scholar at Ohio State University, USA. He holds three Bachelor’s and three Master’s degrees, including Science, Law, International Relations and Diplomacy. In 2010, Dawood became the youngest person to ever win the biggest award in the BBC, the “Global Reith Award for Outstanding Contribution”. He is also a poet/writer, calligrapher and painter/artist.

Photo of Carl Bildt
Carl Bildt

Co-Chair of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), former Swedish minister for foreign affairs and former Swedish prime minister

Show more information on Carl Bildt
Photo of Jaap de Hoop Scheffer
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

former Secretary-General of NATO and Board member in charge of Friends of Europe’s Peace, Security and Defence work

Show more information on Jaap de Hoop Scheffer

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer is a Dutch politician who prominently served as the 11th Secretary-General of NATO. Previously, he worked for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and at the Dutch delegation at NATO headquarters in Brussels. He now works as President of the Advisory Council on International Affairs (AIV) of the Netherlands, an independent body which advises government and parliament on foreign policy. Furthermore, he was appointed to the Pieter Kooijmans Chair for Peace, Law and Security at Leiden University.

Mary Fitzgerald
Mary Fitzgerald

Journalist and analyst specialising in the Euro-Mediterranean region with a particular focus on Libya, European Young Leader Alumna

Show more information on Mary Fitzgerald

Mary is a journalist and analyst specialising in the Euro-Mediterranean region with a particular focus on Libya. She has worked on Libya since 2011 and lived there throughout 2014. Her work has appeared in publications including the Economist, Foreign Policy, the New Yorker, the Washington Post, the Financial Times and the Guardian. She has conducted research on Libya for the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) and the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMED) among others. She is a contributing author to an edited volume on the Libyan revolution published by Oxford University Press. In her previous role as Irish Times foreign affairs correspondent, she reported from 40 countries across the Middle East, Africa, Asia and Europe. She is a member of the Global Women’s Forum ‘Rising Talents’ network.

Photo of Ana Gomes
Ana Gomes

Former member of the European Parliament

Show more information on Ana Gomes

An established and experienced diplomat, Ana Gomes has cemented a reputation as a strident supporter and defender of democracy, human rights, social justice and the rule of law. She has previously been involved in the EU Middle East Peace Process and has led several EU election observation missions in Africa and South-East Asia. Gomes is also a vocal critic of the maladministration of EU law by multinational corporations to minimise tax costs and the negative impact this has on European citizens, governance and society.

Elisabeth Guigou
Elisabeth Guigou

President of the Anna Lindh Foundation and former French Minister

Show more information on Elisabeth Guigou

Elisabeth Guigou is president of the Anna Lindh Foundation, a network of civil society organisations dedicated to promoting intercultural dialogue in the Mediterranean region. Before this appointment, Guigou served as French Minister of European Affairs, member of the European Parliament, and member of the French National Assembly, among numerous other posts. In addition to this, Guigou was the first female to be appointed Minister of Justice in France, where she distinguished herself for her fight for a more independent justice system.

Photo of Bert Koenders
Bert Koenders

Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs

Show more information on Bert Koenders

Mr. Koenders succeeded Frans Timmermans as Minister of Foreign Affairs in October 2014. Prior to this role, Mr Koenders was Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations and head of the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) in Mali. In 2011, he was asked by Ban Ki-Moon, to lead a UN mission in Côte d’Ivoire. Between 2010 and 2011 Mr Koenders worked in South Korea as a negotiator on economics and development for the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Busan Partnership agreement.

Photo of Trita Parsi
Trita Parsi

President of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC)

Show more information on Trita Parsi

Dr. Parsi, a distinguished Middle East foreign policy expert, is the President of the largest Iranian-American grassroots organization in the US, the National Iranian American Council. His books Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Iran, Israel and the United States and A Single Roll of the Dice – Obama’s Diplomacy with Iran have made him an award-winning author. He has taught at Johns Hopkins University and George Washington University.

Photo of Michael Printzos
Michael Printzos

Programme Director, The Hellenic Initiative, 2015-2016 European Young Leader

Show more information on Michael Printzos

Michael is Program Director at The Hellenic Initiative, a global, non-profit, secular institution aiming to mobilise support and investment for sustainable economic renewal in Greece. He is also a Committee Member at the American Hellenic Chamber of Commerce, dedicated to achieving Greek competitiveness through properly informing and adequately motivating business employees. Michael is the co-owner of Green Systems, an engineering procurement and construction company in Athens, and Brainomix, a start-up company that develops medical imaging software to assess the eligibility of acute stroke patients for life saving treatment. He completed his secondary education in Greece before attending the University of Oxford where he gained a degree in mechanical engineering.

Didier Reynders
Didier Reynders

European Commissioner for Justice

Show more information on Didier Reynders

Within his mandate as EU Commissioner for Justice, Didier Reynders is responsible for ensuring the upholding of the rule of law across the Commissions portfolio including the digital transformation, the green transition as well as the rights of SME and consumer empowerment and protection. The full implementation and enforcement of the General Data Protection Regulation and its global outreach is part of these efforts. A lawyer by training, Didier has more than 20 years of political experience. He formerly served as the Deputy Prime Minister of Belgium, as well as Minister for Defence, Foreign Affairs, and Finance.

Marietje Schaake
Marietje Schaake

President of the CyberPeaceInstitute, Director of Policy at the Stanford Cyber Policy Centre and former vice- chair of the European parliament delegation for relations with the United States

Show more information on Marietje Schaake
Photo of Jamie Shea
Jamie Shea

Senior Fellow for Peace, Security and Defence at Friends of Europe and former Deputy Assistant Secretary General for emerging security challenges at NATO

Show more information on Jamie Shea

Retiring from NATO in September 2018 after 38 years at the organisation, Jamie Shea has occupied a number of senior positions at NATO across a wide range of areas, including external relations, press and media, and policy planning. As NATO’s spokesperson, he was the face of the Alliance during the Bosnia and Kosovo conflicts. He later worked as the Director of Policy Planning in the private office of former Secretary General Rasmussen during the preparation of NATO’s 2010 Strategic Concept. Shea is also a regular lecturer and conference speaker on NATO and European security affairs.

Javier Solana
Javier Solana

President of ESADE Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics, former EU high representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy and former secretary-general of NATO

Show more information on Javier Solana
Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar
Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar

Ambassador at Large for Cyber Diplomacy at the Estonian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Show more information on Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar

In her current position, Heli Tiirmaa-Klaar is responsible for developing Estonia’s foreign policy on cyber security, ensuring its coordinated implementation, representing Estonia in international organisations and contributing to international cooperation in the field. Tiirmaa-Klaar has worked on cyber security in Estonia, the EU and NATO for more than a decade, having previously coordinated the implementation of Estonia’s cyber security strategy; served as a NATO cyber security policy advisor to develop the NATO cyber defence policy and action plan; and coordinated external cyber relations at the European External Action Service.

Lamberto Zannier
Lamberto Zannier

High Commissioner on National Minorities of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)

Show more information on Lamberto Zannier

Before his current appointment, Lamberto Zannier served as OSCE Secretary-General of the OSCE and was also UN Special Representative for Kosovo. An Italian diplomat with more than 30 years of experience, he played a leading role at the Italian Foreign Affairs Ministry as Coordinator for EU Foreign Policy and as Director for EU Security and Defence issues, and also served as Italy’s Ambassador to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). He has authored several publications on security, conflict prevention and crisis management issues. 

Leila Zerrougui
Leila Zerrougui

Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Democratic Republic of the Congo

Show more information on Leila Zerrougui

A legal expert in human rights and administration of justice, Leila currently serves at the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General and Head of the UN Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Previously, she served as Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children in Armed Conflict as well as Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General in MONUSCO, where she led the mission’s efforts in strengthening the rule of law and protection of civilians.

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