Poland’s polarised future: can the younger generation break the cycle?

A nation divided

The image of a politically fractured Poland is far from inspiring, especially for the country’s youth. Yet, is their generation any different from previous generations?

The aftermath of the 2025 presidential election has laid bare Poland’s deepening social and political rifts. These divisions no longer just split the country along the familiar East-West axis; they now carve through urban centres, small towns and rural areas alike. Polarisation has reached alarming levels, underscored by the historically narrow margin between the two final-round candidates, Karol Nawrocki and Rafał Trzaskowski, the smallest in Poland’s democratic history.

Young Poles, understandably, blame the political establishment for stagnation and partisan gridlock. “Voices for Choices”, a survey by Debating Europe from late 2024, found that every single young Polish respondent (100%) perceived their society as polarised, with politicians bearing the brunt of the blame (85%). For years, Poland’s system has been described as a “duopol” dominated by the alternating rule of Law and Justice (PiS) and Civic Platform (PO) in many configurations. But, are young voters truly less polarised than their elders? And can their electoral choices shift the country away from this entrenched divide?

The paradox of Poland’s Gen Z

Polish Gen Z, those born either just before or after the state’s 2004 accession to the European Union, have never known anything but democracy. Yet, surprisingly, they are not its most fervent champions.

According to the “Young Europe 2025” survey (commissioned by the TUI Foundation and published in July 2025), only 48% of Polish youth firmly believe that democracy is the best form of government. Does this mean they lean toward authoritarianism? Not exactly- just 23% expressed a preference for a forcibly imposed system, while 11% were indifferent and 18% had no opinion at all.

Similarly, young Poles stand out as the least Euro-enthusiastic segment of the Polish electorate. A “Opinion24” poll for TOK FM in May 2024 found that 23% of 18- to 24 year-olds oppose Poland’s EU membership – the highest percentage among all age groups. This doesn’t make them anti-European; looking at the findings of the focus groups based on the “Voices for Choices” study, young people in Poland trust the EU and want their country to be a part of it, however, the general discourse signals a shift in how they perceive Poland’s place in the bloc compared to older generations.

Who do the youth vote for?

If young voters were expected to bridge Poland’s political divides, the first-round presidential election results delivered a sobering reality check. Instead of rallying behind mainstream candidates, Polish youth turned to Sławomir Mentzen of the far-right Konfederacja and Adrian Zandberg of the left-wing Razem, both parties positioning themselves as alternatives to the PiS-PO duopoly.

The split of young people certainly shows a division of clearer political views, Konfederacja is clear about its right-wing, nationalist views, and so is Razem about its left-wing and social demands. In a way, this new division is clearer than what is proposed by the “old” parties, whose classification on the political compass is quite a challenge. Supporters of both parties agree with each other on very few issues in terms of economic policy and worldview; it is possible that the room left for common interpretations of reality and solutions is even smaller than between the mainstream parties.

However, is this a bad thing? It is difficult to judge political trends among young people as something positive or negative. Those with leftist views will probably be dissatisfied with the rise of the right, while the latter will negatively judge leftist demands. One thing is certain- that one of the biggest factors contributing to the mainstream and centrist parties’ failure among the younger generation is their own actions.

Breaking the cycle

While ideological diversity is healthy, Poland’s escalating polarisation is undeniably damaging. The solution isn’t to force consensus but to foster constructive debate by encouraging young right-wingers and leftists to engage with each other rather than retreat into echo chambers.

If we want to bury the axes of conflict and try to talk among ourselves, despite significant differences, we must put an end to the almost tribal division in Polish society, created by years of domination by two political entities, which, after all, fuelled these divisions by turning them into a source of political power. Young people with right-wing views need to talk and discuss, but also argue and try to work out common ground, with people with left-wing views, and vice versa.

Crucially, education must play a role in equipping future generations to navigate political differences. Schools should teach students to distinguish between opposing viewpoints and genuinely dangerous extremist views– those that threaten the raison d’état– something that a well-prepared society must be equipped to recognize. But for this to work, education itself must remain impartial and free from partisan influence. To truly mend the cracks of polarisation, we must decisively strengthen civil society initiatives and empower the vital work of NGOs. This means actively fostering environments where constructive dialogue and collective problem-solving can flourish.

In an era marked by rising polarisation and extremism, Poland’s experiences offer valuable insights not just for itself, but for all member states of the EU. This challenge is far from unique to Poland, it is a shared concern across the continent. By examining Poland as a case study, there is a significant opportunity to uncover solutions and reshape the discourse throughout Europe.

The views expressed in this #CriticalThinking article reflect those of the author(s) and not of Friends of Europe.